“It would be very difficult, if not altogether impossible, to establish any principle upon which the justice or expediency of capital punishment could be founded, in a society glorying in its civilization. Punishment in general has been defended as a means either of ameliorating or of intimidating. Now what right have you to punish me for the amelioration or intimidation of others?... Now, what a state of society is that, which knows of no better instrument for its own defense than the hangman, and which proclaims through the ‘leading journal of the world’ its own brutality as eternal law?”- Karl Marx: “Capital Punishment” (January 1853)When capital punishment was reintroduced in the U.S., amid an anti-crime hysteria, we noted in “Abolish the Death Penalty” (WV No. 117, 9 July 1976): “The Marxist attitude toward crime and punishment is that we are against it…. Socialists do not proceed from the standpoint of punishing the offenders. Such a vindictive penal attitude is fundamentally a religious rather than a materialist conception of social relations.” Marxists fight for the creation of an international socialist society based on material abundance. Only then will the material conditions exist for the eradication of crime—which is born of deprivation and otherwise is a small-time reflection of the theft and terror on which capitalism is based—and for eradication of the need for a repressive state apparatus. Such a society cannot come into being without the victory of socialist revolutions internationally, especially in the advanced capitalist countries.
“It would be very difficult, if not altogether
impossible, to establish any principle upon which the justice or expedience of
capital punishment could be founded in a society glorying in its civilization.”
[PHOTO SOURCE: http://www.goodreads.com/quotes/tag/capital-punishment]
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We, the comrades of Unit 1012, are truly well aware that the ACLU
Demons work to end the death penalty and also abolish LWOP.
We, the comrades of
Unit 1012: The VFFDP, DO NOT TRUST them at all and we know that they
are nothing but liars who value the lives of murderers and evildoers, with the
plan on putting innocent people’s lives at risk of getting murdered.
Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels, the founders of Marxism, both wanted to end the death penalty. Sadly,
many people were influenced by their ideas. We will present these articles from
Karl Marx to educate the public on one of the early pioneers of death penalty
abolitionism. Most Marxists are Anti-Death Penalty campaigners.
No to Marxism
[PHOTO SOURCE: http://www.elafter.com/foro/f165/2259037-rojos/]
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INTERNET SOURCE: https://www.questia.com/magazine/1G1-3244434/on-capital-punishment
On Capital Punishment
By Marx, Karl
Article excerpt
In view of the resurgence of capital punishment in the United States we thought MR readers might be interested in Marx's observations in a dispatch from him that appeared in the New York Daily Tribune of February 17, 1853. The occasion for writing on this subject was a leading article in The Times (London) that provided, in Marx's words, "no less than a direct apotheosis of the hangman, while capital punishment is extolled as the ultima ratio of society." The following extract gives the gist of Marx's rebuttal. --The editors.It is astonishing that the article in question does not even produce a single argument or pretext for indulging in the savage theory therein propounded; and it would be very difficult, if not altogether impossible to establish any principle upon which the justice or expediency of capital punishment could be founded in a society glorifying in its civilization. Punishment in general has been defended as a means either of ameliorating or intimidating. Now what right have you to punish me for the amelioration or intimidation of others? And besides, there is history--there is such a thing as statistics--which prove with the most complete evidence that since Cain the world has neither been intimidated nor ameliorated by punishment. Quite the contrary. From the point of view of abstract right, there is only one theory of punishment which recognizes human dignity in the abstract, and that is the theory of Kant, especially in the more rigid formula given to it by Hegel. Hegel says: "Punishment is the right of the criminal. …
[PHOTO SOURCE: https://www.goodreads.com/author/quotes/2900919.Friedrich_Engels]
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INTERNET SOURCE: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1853/02/18.htm
Karl
Marx in New-York Tribune 1853
Capital Punishment. — Mr. Cobden’s Pamphlet. — Regulations of the Bank of England
Written: by Karl Marx on January 28, 1853;
First published: in the New-York Daily Tribune, February 17-18 1853.
First published: in the New-York Daily Tribune, February 17-18 1853.
London, Friday, January 28, 1853
The Times of Jan. 25 contains the following observations under the head of “Amateur Hanging”:
“It
has often been remarked that in this country a public execution is generally
followed closely by instances of death by hanging, either suicidal or accidental,
in consequence of the powerful effect which the execution of a noted criminal
produces upon a morbid and unmatured mind.”
Of the several
cases which are alleged by The
Times in illustration of this remark, one is that of a lunatic at
Sheffield, who, after talking with other lunatics respecting the execution of
Barbour, put an end to his existence by hanging himself. Another case is that
of a boy of 14 years, who also hung himself.The doctrine to which the enumeration of these facts was intended to give its support, is one which no reasonable man would be likely to guess, it being no less than a direct apotheosis of the hangman, while capital punishment is extolled as the ultima ratio of society. This is done in a leading article of the “leading journal.”
The Morning Advertiser, in some very bitter but just strictures on the hanging predilections and bloody logic of The Times, has the following interesting data on 43 days of the year 1849:
Executions of:
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Murders and Suicides:
|
|||
Millan
|
March 20
|
Hannah
Sandles
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March 22
|
|
M. G. Newton
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March 22
|
|||
Pulley
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March 26
|
J. G. Gleeson
— 4 murders at Liverpool
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March 27
|
|
Smith
|
March 27
|
Murder and
suicide at Leicester
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April 2
|
|
Howe
|
March 31
|
Poisoning at
Bath
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April 7
|
|
W. Bailey
|
April 8
|
|||
Landick
|
April 9
|
J. Ward
murders his mother
|
April 13
|
|
Sarah Thomas
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April 13
|
Yardley
|
April 14
|
|
Doxey,
parricide
|
April 14
|
|||
J. Bailey
kills his two children and himself
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April 17
|
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J. Griffiths
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April 18
|
Charles
Overton
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April 18
|
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J. Rush
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April 21
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Daniel
Holmsden
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May 2
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This table, as The Times concedes, shows not only suicides, but also murders of the most atrocious kind, following closely upon the execution of criminals. It is astonishing that the article in question does not even produce a single argument or pretext for indulging in the savage theory therein propounded; and it would be very difficult, if not altogether impossible, to establish any principle upon which the justice or expediency of capital punishment could be founded, in a society glorying in its civilization. Punishment in general has been defended as a means either of ameliorating or of intimidating. Now what right have you to punish me for the amelioration or intimidation of others? And besides, there is history — there is such a thing as statistics — which prove with the most complete evidence that since Cain the world has neither been intimidated nor ameliorated by punishment. Quite the contrary. From the point of view of abstract right, there is only one theory of punishment which recognizes human dignity in the abstract, and that is the theory of Kant, especially in the more rigid formula given to it by Hegel. Hegel says:
“Punishment
is the right of
the criminal. It is an act of his own will. The violation of right has been
proclaimed by the criminal as his own right. His crime is the negation of
right. Punishment is the negation of this negation, and consequently an
affirmation of right, solicited and forced upon the criminal by himself.”
[Hegel, Philosophy of Right]
Mr. A. Quételet, in his excellent and learned work, l'Homme et ses Facultés, says:
“There
is a budget which
we pay with frightful regularity — it is that of prisons, dungeons and
scaffolds.... We might even predict how many individuals will stain their hands
with the blood of their fellow men, how many will be forgers, how many will
deal in poison, pretty nearly the same way as we may foretell the annual births
and deaths.”
Age
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Philadelphia
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France
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Under
twenty-one years
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19
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19
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Twenty-one to
thirty
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44
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35
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Thirty to
forty
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23
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23
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Above forty
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14
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23
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Total
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100
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100
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Now, if crimes observed on a great scale thus show, in their amount and their classification, the regularity of physical phenomena — if as Mr. Quételet remarks, “it would be difficult to decide in respect to which of the two” (the physical world and the social system) “the acting causes produce their effect with the utmost regularity” — is there not a necessity for deeply reflecting upon an alteration of the system that breeds these crimes, instead of glorifying the hangman who executes a lot of criminals to make room only for the supply of new ones?
One of the topics of the day is the publication of a pamphlet by Mr. Richard Cobden — “1793 and 1853, in Three Letters” (140 pages). The first part of this pamphlet, treating of the time of, and previous to, the revolution of 1793, has the merit of attacking openly and vigorously the old English prejudices respecting that epoch. Mr. Cobden shows that England was the aggressive party in the revolutionary war. But here he has no claim to originality, as he does but repeat, and in a much less brilliant manner, the statements once given by the greatest pamphleteer England has ever possessed, viz.: the late William Cobbett The other part of the pamphlet, although written from an economical point of view, is of a rather romantic character. Mr. Cobden labors to prove that the idea of Louis Napoleon’s having any intention of invading England is a mere absurdity; that the noise about the defenseless state of the country has no material foundation, and is propagated only by persons interested in augmenting the public expenditure. By what arguments does he prove that Louis Napoleon has no hostile intentions toward England? Louis Napoleon, he contends, has no rational ground for quarreling with England. And how does he prove that a foreign invasion of this country is impossible? For 800 years, says Mr. Cobden, England has not been invaded. And what are his arguments to show that the cry about the defenseless state is a mere interested humbug? The highest military authorities have declared that they feel quite safe!
Louis Napoleon has never met, even in the Legislative Assembly, with a more credulous believer in his faith and peaceable intentions, than he finds now, rather unexpectedly, in Mr. Richard Cobden. The Morning Herald (in yesterday’s number), the habitual defender of Louis Napoleon, publishes a letter addressed to Mr. Cobden, and alleged to have been written under the immediate inspiration of Bonaparte himself, in which the prince-hero of Satory [i.e. Louis Bonaparte] assures us that he will only come over to England, if the Queen [Victoria], threatened by rising Democracy, should want some 200,000 of his décembraillards [members of the Bonapartist Society of December 10] or bullies. But this Democracy, according to The Herald, is nobody else than Messrs. Cobden & Co.
We must confess that, having perused the pamphlet in question, we begin to feel an apprehension of something like an invasion of Great Britain. Mr. Cobden is no very happy prophet. After the repeal of the Corn Laws he made a trip to the Continent, visiting even Russia, and after his return stated that all things were right, that the times of violence had passed, that the nations deeply and eagerly involved in commercial and industrial pursuits, would now develop themselves in a quiet business-like manner, without political storms, without outbreaks and disturbances. His prophecy had scarcely reached the Continent, when the Revolution of 1848 burst forth over all Europe, and gave a somewhat ironical echo to Mr. Cobden’s meek predictions. He talked peace, where there was no peace.
It would be a great mistake to suppose that the peace doctrine of the Manchester School has a deep philosophical bearing. It only means, that the feudal method of warfare shall be supplanted by the commercial one — cannons by capital. The Peace Society yesterday held a meeting at Manchester, where it was almost unanimously declared, that Louis Napoleon could not be supposed as intending anything against the safety of England, if the press would but discontinue its odious censures on his Government, and become mute! Now, with this statement, it appears very singular, that increased army and navy estimates have been voted in the House of Commons without opposition, none of the M. P.’s present at the Peace Conference [convened by the Peace Society in Manchester in January 1853] having had anything to say against the proposed addition to the military force.
During the political calm, produced by the adjournment of Parliament, there are two principal topics which occupy the press, viz.: The coming Reform Bill and the last Discount Regulations of the Bank of England.
The Times of the 24th inst. informs the public that a new Reform Bill is on the stocks. What kind of a Reform Bill it will be, you may infer from Sir Charles Wood’s election-speech at Halifax, in which he declared against the principle of equal electoral districts; from Sir James Graham’s at Carlisle, where he rejected the ballot; and from the confidentially circulated statement, that even the small Reform pills prescribed in Feb. 1852 by Johnny Russell, are considered as far too strong and dangerous. But there is something which looks yet more suspicious. The mouthpiece of the Coalition Ministry, The Economist, in the number of Jan. 22, states, not only:
“That
the reform of our representative system stands not very early on the list of
topics of pressing or immediate importance,” but also, that “we want the raw materials for legislative
action. The extension, adjustment. purification, protection and
re-distribution of the Franchise, are branches of the question, each of which
demands profound reflection, and much inquiry. ... It is not that several of
our statesmen may riot have a good deal of useful information on all or some of
these points, but it is picked
up, not worked
out; it is miscellaneous, partial, and incomplete. ... The obvious
mode of remedying this, is by issuing a Commission
of Inquiry. charged
to investigate all points of fact directly or remotely connected with the
subject.”
“We
should be inclined to the opinion that there will be no Reform Bill at all
during the present session. There may he some attempt at legislating for the
prevention and punishment of bribery at elections, and with regard to some
other matters of minor importance; an effort may be made to remedy evils
connected with the parliamentary representations of the country, but such
legislation will not be deserving the name of a new Reform Bill.”
“This year, upon an
immense extent of our wheat-land, there is no plant at all. On a very large
proportion of our heavy soils, much of the land which should have been in
wheat, remains unsown, and some of that which has been sown, is in no better
plight, for the seed has either perished, or the plant has come up so thinly,
or has been so destroyed by slugs, that the prospects of the occupiers are not
better than those of the unsown lands. It has now become nearly impossible to
plant all the wheat-land.”
I am just concluding my letter, as I am informed, that a report is prevalent in political circles, that Mr. Gladstone is at variance with several of the leading members of the Aberdeen Ministry, on the subject of the Income Tax, and that the result of the misunderstanding will probably be the resignation of the Right Hon. gentleman. In that case, Sir Francis Baring, formerly Chancellor of the Exchequer under Lord Melbourne, will probably become his successor.
Pope Francis against DP and
LWOP
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Communist Party, USA: Resolution on Capital Punishment
Home > Party Voices > Communist Party, USA: Resolution on Capital
Punishment
Whereas, the sanctioning by the state of the taking of human life has a debasing effect on the community and tends to produce the very brutality that it seeks to prevent. We realize that many people are sincerely afraid of the consequences if the death penalty is abolished, but we are convinced that their fears are unjustified; and, Whereas, a socialist society should abolish the death penalty not to mention torture. Whereas, it would be difficult, if not altogether impossible, to establish any principle upon which the justice of expediency of capital punishment could be founded in a society glorying in its civilization. (Karl Marx, New York Daily Tribune, February 18, 1853); Therefore be it resolved, that we declare our unwavering opposition to capital punishment. Adopted by the 28th National Convention of the Communist Party, USA, Chicago, IL; July 1-3, 2005. www.cpusa.org |
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