Air strikes are far more lethal than a single noose around the neck of a convicted murderer yet the former is celebrated as a modern instrument of humanitarianism and the latter derided as an outdated symbol of savagery.- The death penalty should be used at home and abroad by Leo McKinstry
A USAF F-16C over Iraq in 2008 |
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SOURCE: http://www.express.co.uk/comment/columnists/leo-mckinstry/236118/The-death-penalty-should-be-used-at-home-and-abroad
The
death penalty should be used at home and abroad
BRIMMING with
righteous zeal the Government proclaims that the war in Libya is a noble cause.
00:00,
Wed, Mar 23, 2011
Britain and its
allies are fighting to protect the innocent from brutal oppression, argue
coalition ministers, adding that moral compassion requires us to challenge and
overcome the despotism of Colonel Gaddafi’s regime. Yet there is a huge element
of hypocrisy about all this humanitarian fervour. As the air strikes against
Gaddafi’s forces intensify David Cameron and his colleagues portray themselves
as warriors against vicious injustice abroad. But they show absolutely none of
this bristling determination or clarity of purpose when dealing with criminals
at home.
So noisily resolute
against Gaddafi, they are pathetically limp in taking on murderers, thugs,
terrorists, drug dealers and bullies who operate within British society.
Institutional leniency, soft prisons and an enfeebled police force have become
the hallmarks of our cowardly justice system, all backed up by the Human Rights
Act, which has helped to turn our courts into a protection racket for the
criminal classes while the innocent continue to suffer.
The hypocrisy is at its
most glaring over the British state’s willingness to kill its enemies abroad,
in contrast to its squeamishness over the death penalty at home. Last weekend
Defence Secretary Liam Fox suggested that Gaddafi himself is “a legitimate
target”. T his stance was backed up not only by Foreign Secretary William Hague
but also by the No 10 machine, which stated that Gaddafi could be taken out if
he continues to orchestrate assaults on his own people.
But this prompts the
question: if it is acceptable to assassinate Colonel Gaddafi because of his
record then why on earth is it wrong to execute Ian Huntley, the cold-blooded
murderer of two young girls in Soham? Effectively the Government is using the
weapon of capital punishment abroad but denies the same tool of justice for the
British people at home. If our politicians think it is morally right to kill
genocidal maniacs and tyrants overseas then why do they not apply this logic to
British mass murderers such as Yorkshire Ripper Peter Sutcliffe or the
monstrous Dennis Nilsen, who butchered at least 15 boys and young men in
gruesome circumstances between 1978 and 1983?
David Cameron is on
record as opposing the reintroduction of capital punishment yet sees no
contradiction between this approach and his enthusiasm for bombing Gaddafi’s
compound in Tripoli. Like most members of our metropolitan political elite
Cameron regards his opposition to the death penalty as a badge of his
compassion. But now we are told that it is the same impulse for compassion that
has led Cameron on his military mission in Libya. There is absolutely no logic
or moral consistency here.
Air strikes are far
more lethal than a single noose around the neck of a convicted murderer yet the
former is celebrated as a modern instrument of humanitarianism and the latter
derided as an outdated symbol of savagery. Even more than Cameron today, Tony
Blair was the supreme champion of this double standard.
With typical moral
superiority he condemned the death penalty as “barbaric”. Yet during the
Yugoslav war, another supposedly humanitarian operation that began with a
no-fly zone, he was quite happy for Allied bombers to launch a raid on the home
of the Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic near Belgrade.
Similarly, during the
Iraq war, he endorsed the dropping of four 1,000 kilogramme bombs on a
restaurant in which Saddam Hussein was dining, while he greeted the news that
Saddam’s two sons had been killed in a gun battle with US forces as “a great
day” and “very good news”. Blair would be outraged about using such upbeat
language over the execution of any British killer.
Opponents of the
death penalty always smugly declare that the state should never take a human
life. In reality, whenever the British state is involved in any sort of
military action, killing will happen on a scale far greater than anything that
would occur through the reintroduction of capital punishment. During Blair’s
Yugoslav mission NATO air forces accidently bombed a convoy carrying Kosovan
refugees. At least 70 innocent civilians were killed in the process.
Equally wrong-headed
is the fashionable idea that the death penalty is unusually cruel. What is
truly cruel is the ideological refusal to protect society by making murderers
pay the ultimate price for their crimes. Far from being “barbaric”, to use
Blair’s phrase, the death penalty is actually driven by respect for the
sanctity of innocent life. By downgrading the punishment for murder from
execution to a prison sentence usually no longer than 12 years the state is
signalling that it places only limited value on human life.
It is little wonder
that since the abolition of the death penalty in 1965 Britain has become a more
violent, less well-ordered place. Overall crime has shot up tenfold, while the
murder rate has quadrupled. So much of the Government’s international posturing
arises from our politicians’ desire to feel self-important. They seek adulation
as the world’s policemen but if they really want to fight criminality and
oppression they should concentrate more of their efforts on protecting the
British public. Moral courage, like charity, should begin at home.
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