In loving memory of Rie Isogai, We decided to post this article by
Charles Lane and also some information from Wikipedia about Capital Punishment
in Japan.
PAGE
TITLE:
The Washington Post
ARTICLE
TITLE:
Why Japan Still Has the Death Penalty
DATE: Sunday, January 16,
2005
AUTHOR: Charles Lane
AUTHOR
INFORMATION: Charles "Chuck" Lane is an American
journalist and editor who is an editorial writer for The Washington Post
and a regular guest on Fox News Channel. Lane was the lead editor of The New
Republic from 1997 to 1999. After the New Republic, Lane went to work for
the Post, where, from 2000 to 2009, he covered the Supreme Court of the United
States and judicial system issues. He has since joined the newspaper's
editorial page.
Rie Isogai (磯谷 利恵 Isogai
Rie, 20 July 1976 – 25 August 2007) was a 31-year-old Japanese office clerk
who was robbed and murdered in Aichi Prefecture, Japan on the night of 24
August 2007 by three men who became acquainted through an underground message
board. Her murder led to a signature campaign to call for the death penalty on
the three murderers, one of whom was sentenced to death on 18 March 2009, and
two of the murderers were sentenced to life in prison on 13 April 2011. http://victimsfamiliesforthedeathpenalty.blogspot.com.au/2013/08/318000-signatures-as-petition-for-death.html
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There is a place in the advanced industrial
world where people are regularly sentenced to death, and executed, for their
crimes. Some of the condemned deny their guilt -- and there are confirmed cases
of mistakes in sentencing. But government officials say the system delivers
retribution and deterrence fairly and efficiently.
This place is not Texas. It is Japan -- the
only industrial democracy other than our own that still regularly executes
convicted murderers. In 2004, the Japanese conducted two executions by hanging,
the sole method employed there. In some years, the rate is double or triple
that. This is nowhere near the rate in the United States, where 59 convicted
murderers were put to death in 2004. But there are many more murders in the
United States than in Japan, and our population is 295 million people compared
to Japan's 127 million. When you adjust for those facts, Japan has recently
been about as likely as Texas and Virginia to sentence killers to death.
Covering the Supreme Court, which has the
final say in every capital case, I have gotten used to seeing the United States
as a loner on this issue. The European Union, Canada, South Africa and a
growing portion of Latin America have abolished the death penalty. The United
States regularly absorbs condemnation from human rights organizations because
it hasn't. But the United States is joined in continuing the practice by an
officially pacifist country that many Americans think of as the cradle of
Pikachu and Hello Kitty. How come? My best guess, based on reporting I did
there this past summer: Basically, Japan's leaders are giving their people what
they want.
To be sure, democracy in Japan is not usually
thought of as highly responsive. Since World War II, Japan's government has
been dominated by a single party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which is
closely allied with unelected bureaucrats who make policy behind the scenes.
The government forbids the release of basic information about the death
penalty, so public opinion is poorly informed. Executions are conducted in
secret; as former justice minister Hideo Usui told me, they are scheduled
during parliamentary recesses, so as to deprive opposition politicians of any
opportunity "to cause a big public row over the death penalty."
Still, not even capital punishment's
opponents in Japan question the basic validity of a survey conducted by the
government in 1999, which found that 79.3 percent of the public backs the death
penalty. In 34 polls taken between 1953 and 1999, abolition of capital
punishment has never garnered a majority. Letters published in the Japanese
press reflect the surprisingly intense feelings behind the polls. "I
believe execution is the best punishment for felons, especially
murderers," a citizen named Hajime Ishi wrote to the Yomiuri Shimbun in
July 2003. "Controversial as my opinion may be, I would like to see all
murderers -- regardless of their age, gender and nationality -- put to
death." In a 2003 trial, a Tokyo prosecutor made his case for a death
sentence by handing the judge a petition signed by 76,000 people.
Japanese frequently invoke culture to account
for these sentiments. One theory, of which I heard several variants, is that
the Japanese, group-oriented and with ancestral roots in village life, have a
long tradition of isolating and eliminating evildoers. Authoritarian tenets of
Confucianism, a Chinese import, may have reinforced this. Several people told
me that Japanese Buddhism, too, provides support for capital punishment.
"A basic teaching is retribution," says Tomoko Sasaki, a former
member of the Diet (Japan's parliament), an ex-prosecutor and a leading
advocate of the death penalty in the LDP. "If someone evil does something
bad, he has to atone with his own life. If you take a life, you have to give
your own."
But cultural norms, though powerful, are not
immutable; capital punishment has ebbed and flowed in Japan, both historically
and in modern times. Buddhism, famously a nonjudgmental, nonviolent doctrine,
can easily be interpreted as incompatible with the death penalty. And a ban on
capital punishment prevailed in Japan during the Heian Era (794 A.D. to 1185
A.D.), which coincided with Buddhism's introduction to the country from China.
One of the country's most prominent anti-capital punishment activists since the
war, the late Tairyu Furukawa, was a Buddhist priest. During the early '90s,
Megumu Sato, a former Buddhist priest serving as minister of justice, refused
to sign execution orders for the year he was in office, citing his religious
beliefs.
Sato was one of four ministers who served
during a 40-month de facto moratorium on executions that began in November 1989
and ended in March 1993. The moratorium followed a period of increasing concern
about capital punishment, both inside and outside the Japanese government. The
key events were the exonerations during the 1980s of four death-row prisoners,
all of whom had been sentenced to hang in the chaotic period just after World
War II and then spent years pursuing appeals.
The exonerations were deeply embarrassing to
the powerful Ministry of Justice, which handles all criminal prosecutions in
Japan. Ministry officials sincerely believe that such miscarriages of justice
are all but impossible under the Japanese system, because prosecutors rarely
bring charges unless the defendant confesses and only seek the death penalty in
selected cases involving multiple victims, or where murder is combined with
rape or robbery. But the exonerations forced the country to acknowledge that
several men had been sentenced to death based on confessions squeezed out of
them in prolonged custody, that the police had mishandled key evidence -- and
that such practices have not disappeared. Amid the soul-searching, the
anti-death penalty movement, traditionally marginal, gained strength and
coalesced into an umbrella organization known as Forum 90, the first of its
kind in modern Japan.
Yet, just as death-row exonerations based on
DNA evidence have dented but not overturned the basic consensus in favor of the
death penalty in the United States, the pro-death penalty consensus in Japan
proved resilient. In time, concerns about crime and violence came to trump
concerns about the rights of defendants. After an internal review of the
exonerations, which concluded mainly that authorities needed to do a better job
of ensuring truthful confessions, the Ministry of Justice resumed executions in
March 1993.
Then, on March 20, 1995, a cult known as Aum
Shinrikyo released nerve gas in the Tokyo subway, killing 12 people and
injuring thousands. Citizens demanded that the perpetrators pay with their
lives, and the authorities responded. "Politicians listen to voters'
views," Yuji Ogawara, a lawyer who represents capital defendants, told me.
"In that sense, it has become more difficult to talk about abolishing the
death penalty since Aum. It was a watershed event." Of the 50 death
sentences issued between 1999 and 2002, nine went to Aum conspirators. The
cult's founder, Shoko Asahara, was sentenced to death last year.
Something else happened in the mid-1990s:
street crime rose. Japan is still much safer than America. But what Japanese
notice is that it is less safe than it used to be. According to the government,
reported crimes registered a postwar high for six consecutive years between
1996 and 2002 before leveling off in 2003. Causes include Japan's steep and
socially disruptive economic downturn in the '90s, as well as post-Cold War
freedom of movement among Japan, Russia and China, which brought some foreign
gang activity to Japan's shores. While the number of murders hasn't risen rapidly,
several brutal and highly publicized killings -- including a massacre of eight
schoolchildren in 2001 -- fed the public's growing sense of insecurity.
Whereas 1990 saw the founding of Forum 90,
1999 marked the founding of the National Association of Crime Victims and
Surviving Families, an influential pro-death penalty lobby. Its founder, Isao
Okamura, is a lawyer and former vice chairman of the Japan Federation of Bar
Associations, which advocates a moratorium on executions and greater legal protections
for death row inmates. But after Okamura's wife was brutally stabbed to death
in 1997, his views hardened.
The courts, which had led the way in
re-examining capital punishment two decades earlier, now were following the
public mood. On Dec. 10, 1999, Japan's Supreme Court overturned the life
sentence imposed on a man convicted of robbery and murder in Hiroshima
prefecture. It was the first time since 1983 that the Supreme Court had
recommended that a life sentence be replaced with death. This decision had a
"great influence" on trial judges, says Satoru Shinomiya, a law
professor at Waseda University in Tokyo. It has been followed by several other
rulings in which appeals courts have granted prosecution requests to overturn
life sentences in favor of the death penalty. (Such requests are not allowed in
the United States.)
Judges sentenced one person to death in 1992
(there are no jury trials in Japan); they sentenced 18 people to death in 2002.
There are currently 60 people on death row whose sentences have been finalized
(as of Sept. 15, 2004), an increase of 10 from 1999 and more than double the
level, 24, of 1986. Meanwhile, a bill calling for a three-year moratorium on
executions and a top-to-bottom review of the capital punishment system was shelved
last year by its sponsors in the Diet, because of its poor prospects for
success.
To expect Japan to abolish the death penalty
through normal democratic processes is to expect it to do something that Europe
itself did not exactly accomplish. Germany and Italy got rid of the death
penalty immediately after World War II, when the drafters of their new
constitutions banned it. (Japan's 1946 constitution, promulgated under U.S.
occupying authorities who were also hanging Japanese war criminals, bans "cruel"
punishments; in 1948, the Japanese Supreme Court ruled that the death penalty
was not cruel.) In France, then-president Francois Mitterrand abolished the
death penalty by decree in 1981; most French citizens supported it, but
Mitterrand imposed his will thanks to the power of the French presidency, which
has no equivalent in consensus-oriented Japan. Even now, large percentages in
most European nations favor the death penalty, according to polls. More
countries continue to abolish it to meet a condition of inclusion in the
European Union. Poland, for example, abolished the death penalty in 1997,
despite surveys showing that more than 60 percent of Poles wanted to keep it.
But opponents of the death penalty in Japan,
international and domestic, have no such leverage. Europe is not about to slap
economic sanctions on the world's second-largest economy. The strongest
punishment threatened so far is revocation of Japan's observer status on the
Council of Europe, a human rights organization made up of representatives from
44 governments -- and the council has hesitated to impose even that. For
Japanese officials, resistance to foreign critics of the death penalty may be a
relatively cost-free way to savor a little old-fashioned national sovereignty. "We
believe that the decision whether to keep or abolish the death penalty should
be the decision of each individual country, and should be based on the public
sentiment of each country, and the crime situation in each country," says
Hideo Takasaki, a senior official of the Ministry of Justice's criminal affairs
bureau.
Unless something leads Tokyo to change that
attitude, the United States won't be totally isolated. At least on this one
issue, in these two countries, East meets West.
Japan: The Supreme Court's No. 1 Petty Bench,
which on Monday rejected the appeal of Seiichi Endo, a former senior member of
the Aum Supreme Truth cult
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INTERNET SOURCE: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capital_punishment_in_Japan
System
Sentencing guideline – Nagayama
Standard
In Japan, the courts follow guidelines
laid down in the trial of Norio Nagayama, a 19-year-old from a disadvantaged
background, who committed four murders in 1968 and was finally hanged in 1997.
The supreme court of Japan, in imposing the death penalty, ruled that the death penalty may be imposed "inevitably" in consideration of the degree of criminal liability and balance of justice based on a nine-point set of criteria. Though technically not a precedent, this guideline has been followed by all subsequent capital cases in Japan. The nine criteria are as follows:
1. Degree of viciousness
2. Motive
3. How the crime was committed; especially the manner in
which the victim was killed.
4. Outcome of the crime; especially the number of
victims.
5. Sentiments of the bereaved family members.
6. Impact of the crime on Japanese society.
7. Defendant's age (in Japan, someone is a minor until
the age of 20).
8. Defendant's previous criminal record.
9. Degree of remorse shown by the defendant.
Stays of execution
According
to Article 475 of the 'Japanese Code of Criminal Procedure', the death penalty
must be executed within six months after the failure of the prisoner's final
appeal upon an order from the Minister of Justice. However, the
period requesting retrial or pardon is exempt from this regulation. Therefore,
in practice, the typical stay on death row is between five and seven years; a
quarter of the prisoners have been on death row for over ten years. For
several, the stay has been over 30 years (Sadamichi Hirasawa died of natural
causes at the age of 95, after awaiting execution for 32 years).
Approval process
After
the failure of the final appeal process to the Supreme Court of Japan, the entire records
of trial are sent to the office of prosecution. Based on these records, the
chief prosecutor of the office of prosecution compiles a report to the Justice
Minister. This report is examined by the officer in the Criminal Investigation
Bureau of Justice Ministry for the possibility of pardon and/or retrial as well
as any possible legal issues which might require consideration before the
execution is approved. This officer is usually from the office of prosecutors.
Once satisfied, the officer will write an execution proposal, which has to go
through the approval process of the Criminal Investigation Bureau, Parole
Bureau and Correction Bureau. If the convict is certified to be mentally
incapacitated during this process, the proposal is brought back to Criminal
Investigation Bureau. The final approval is signed by the Minister of Justice.
Once the final approval is signed, the execution will take place within about a
week. By the regulation of penal code section 71, clause 2, the execution
cannot take place on a national holiday, Saturday, Sunday, or between 31
December and 2 January. The date of execution is kept secret, even to the
family of the condemned and the family of the victim(s).
Death row
Japanese
death row inmates are imprisoned inside the detention centres of Sapporo,
Sendai, Tokyo, Nagoya, Osaka, Hiroshima and Fukuoka (despite the city having a
high court, Takamatsu Detention Centre is not equipped with an execution
chamber. Consequently, executions administered by the Takamatsu High Court are
carried out in the Osaka Detention Centre). Those on death row are not
classified as prisoners by the Japanese justice system and the facilities in
which they are incarcerated are not referred to as prisons. Inmates lack many
of the rights afforded to other Japanese prisoners. The nature of the regime
they live under is largely up to the director of the detention centre, but it
is usually significantly harsher than normal Japanese prisons. Inmates are held
in solitary confinement and are forbidden from communicating with their
fellows. They are permitted two periods of exercise a week, are not allowed
televisions and may only possess three books. Prisoners are not allowed to
exercise within their own cells. Prison visits, both by family members and
legal representatives, are infrequent and closely supervised.
Execution
Executions
are carried out by hanging in a death chamber within the detention centre. When
a death order has been issued, the condemned prisoner is informed in the
morning of his/her execution. The condemned is given a choice of the last meal.
The prisoner's family and legal representatives are not informed until
afterwards. Since 7 December 2007, the authorities have been releasing the
names, natures of crime and ages of executed prisoners.
As
of late March 2012, there were 135 people awaiting execution in Japan. Tsutomu
Miyazaki and two others were hanged on 17 June 2008. A total of nine convicted
murderers were executed in 2007. Three men were executed on 23 August 2007,
four men were executed on 25 December 2006, one execution was carried out in
2005 and two in 2004.
Two
inmates were executed in July 2010, three in March 2012, three in February
2013, and two in April 2013.
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